The Rubicon Has Been Crossed but Rome is Still Elusive
Photo courtesy of GT Health
It is a year since National People’s Power (NPP) leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected as the 9th executive president of Sri Lanka. His victory was a remarkable achievement considering that he secured barely 3% of the vote at the 2019 presidential election. While many factors may explain this dramatic turnaround, it also left President Dissanayake with the immense responsibility of leading a deeply unstable country, to be guided by a strong set of promises and the unprecedented mandate his NPP now holds in parliament.
Recently, President’s Counsel Saliya Peiris spoke of the metaphor of crossing the Rubicon in the wake of the arrest of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Julius Caesar’s crossing of the Rubicon River marked a decisive point of no return in his quest for power in Rome. Today there is debate over whether President Dissanayake has crossed his own Rubicon. Yet what is clear is that Rome is still far out of reach for the president and the country.
For Caesar, Rome meant seizing the capital and consolidating authority. For President Dissanayake, the destination is far less straightforward. Is it achieving economic stability? Delivering the long promised system change? Successfully completing the IMF program? Is it consolidating power for the long term? Is it to squash political opposition? Or simply preserving the status quo? Each of these paths represents a different vision of Rome and none is guaranteed.
As we mark the first year of his presidency, this moment offers an important opportunity to reflect on both the progress made so far and the formidable challenges that still lie ahead under President Dissanayake’s leadership.
In my opinion the renaissance campaign of President Dissanayake was built on two key pillars. The first of course was economic recovery. The other was the so-called system change. As a citizen I want to take a stab at the progress made with the grand promise of system change.
A new constitution
One of the key actions towards the system change and the broader promise of renaissance is the introduction of the new constitution. The 1978 constitution has now been amended 21 times while there have already been a few attempts to introduce new constitutions. I believe the country needs a new constitution.
NPP’s A Thriving Nation, A Beautiful Life manifesto pledges sweeping constitutional and governance reforms, including recognizing the rights outlined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) as fundamental rights, expanding protections for children, women and people with disabilities in line with international conventions and safeguarding voting rights for all citizens, including migrants. It proposes abolishing the executive presidency in favor of a non-executive president elected by parliament and introducing a new parliamentary electoral system. It further proposes a strict code of ethics would further prevent nepotism and ensure accountability and transparency.
If President Dissanayake is serious about introducing a new constitution, the process must go beyond the promises outlined in his manifesto and instead adopt a holistic, consultative and inclusive approach. Such a process should draw from both global and local best practices, ensuring broad public participation. There is precedent to build on: the 2016 initiative under the early yahapalana government, where a committee was appointed and resources mobilized to gather public input on constitutional reforms. Although those findings were never implemented, the process itself remains a strong model that the current government has recognized in its manifesto and can revive.
A key priority of the new constitution must be meaningful devolution of power, particularly in addressing long standing land issues in the North and East. The constitution must enshrine the principle of equality, ensuring that the rights of every citizen are upheld and protected without discrimination. The president must recognize that voters in the North and East granted the government an unprecedented mandate with the clear expectation that their long standing concerns would be addressed in a meaningful and sustained manner. Meeting these expectations requires going beyond the limited scope of the 13th Amendment to genuinely engage with and resolve the broader issues faced by ethnic and religious minorities, ensuring their rights, dignity and aspirations are fully respected within the national framework. This constitution must serve as the foundation for a society free from discrimination of any kind, fostering a community that is just, fair and truly free for all its members.
Sri Lanka’s persistent lack of effective checks and balances between the executive, legislature and judiciary has repeatedly undermined governance, reinforcing the urgency of abolishing excessive executive powers. Citizens have long demanded this change, and while many past presidents pledged to deliver, none have followed through. To date, there is no indication that the current government has formally initiated a reform process, an omission that is concerning given the complexity and delicacy of constitutional change. Without a carefully designed roadmap, reforms risk doing more harm than good. The question now is whether President Dissanayake will be the leader who finally delivers on this long standing promise or whether he too will follow the path of his predecessors.
A citizen centric legal system
In addition to the call for a new constitution, there has been a growing demand to modernize the broader legal framework to ensure it is citizen-centered and grounded in the protection of human rights. For decades, widespread opposition has persisted against the Prevention of Terrorism Act, while the more recent introduction of repressive measures such as the Online Safety Act has further inflamed public discontent. Equally troubling is the continued misuse of provisions under the ICCPR Act by law enforcement authorities, which has undermined public trust in the justice system. Reflecting these concerns, the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka, in a recent letter to the Minister of Public Security, emphasized the urgent need for institutional reforms and for strengthening the resource allocation framework of the police. Such measures, the commission stressed, are essential to ensure more effective law enforcement alongside a steadfast commitment to human rights standards. In addition, the proposed establishment of a Public Prosecutor’s Office represents a crucial step toward strengthening the independence and integrity of Sri Lanka’s justice system. By creating a separate prosecutorial body distinct from the Attorney General’s Office the government can mitigate potential conflicts of interest and ensure that decisions to prosecute are guided solely by evidence and the principles of justice. Such an office would enhance public confidence in the legal system, promote accountability and provide a more transparent and impartial mechanism for addressing criminal cases, particularly those involving political figures or sensitive matters. The successful implementation of this office would therefore be a landmark reform in the pursuit of a fair and credible justice system.
Furthermore, the president’s manifesto outlines the establishment of a Commission Against Discrimination, as well as mechanisms to investigate and deliver justice for political assassinations, disappearances and assaults that have occurred across the country, including in the North and East. Considerable attention has also been given to the proposed establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. However, it is important to note that, according to the Transitional Justice Evaluation Tools Sri Lanka has already seen the creation of 11 truth commissions since 1977, all of which failed to achieve their intended objectives. It is therefore imperative that meaningful lessons are drawn from these past shortcomings to ensure genuine accountability and reconciliation. In parallel, the necessary amendment to draconian laws such as the Online Safety Act as well as the need to update outdated laws including the penal code will be of critical importance as the country advances through rapid digital transformation, underscoring the need for a legal foundation that safeguards freedom of expression as a core democratic value and to progress beyond outdated colonial values.
Transparency and accountability
Transparency and accountability remain central priorities for this government and have been among the most pressing demands of the citizenry in the post aragalaya era. In several respects, the administration has demonstrated a willingness to hold politicians and officials accountable even at the highest levels. The arrests of the former president and other prominent political figures stand as both a landmark in Sri Lankan political history and a reflection of this commitment. However, concerns persist regarding allegations against government ministers such as Wasantha Samarasinghe and Kumara Jayakodi, which appear to have been disregarded. Similarly, the rejection of the no-confidence motion against Deputy Minister Aruna Jayasekara by the speaker on technical grounds has raised doubts about the consistency of the government’s accountability measures. Such decisions risk undermining public trust and could reflect adversely on both the president and the administration. Any action toward accountability should go beyond politically motivated prosecutions and instead reflect genuine, meaningful efforts at ensuring honest accountability. To preserve credibility, the government must demonstrate through action that it is prepared to uphold, without compromise, the very principles and values it so often espouses, particularly at a time when citizens are watching with heightened scrutiny.
Education reforms
The need for a comprehensive overhaul of the education system has long been recognized yet past governments have often pursued oversimplified solutions. The current administration appears to have embraced this challenge although the complexity of the process is likely to attract criticism. Unfortunately, the lack of transparency and meaningful consultation has limited the clarity and credibility of the government’s approach with plans to date largely confined to superficial PowerPoint presentations rather than detailed, actionable strategies. Concurrently, the Prime Minister’s Office has initiated a Task Force on the Digital Transformation of Education, a critical long term initiative that will shape the future readiness of Sri Lankan youth.
These education reforms must be grounded in evidence and guided by foresight tools to build a system that meets the demands of a rapidly evolving world while also fostering critical thinkers capable of shaping the future positively. Equally important, the reforms should cultivate an empathetic, culturally aware generation, aligning with the values repeatedly emphasized by the president. Delivering on these objectives will require concerted effort, strategic vision and genuine commitment from both the president and the government. While the process has indeed begun, the real test lies in whether the government possesses not only the vision but also the endurance to see it through.
Robust state machinery and digital transformation
Another potentially key defining element of the NPP government is its promised transformation of the state machinery. The state structure is at the heart of any progressive development and the lapses and the lethargic nature in the state service as well as the bureaucracies have often been criticized.
The government has outlined a comprehensive set of promises aimed at transforming public administration and enhancing the efficiency of the state machinery. Key initiatives include revising institutional frameworks to better address socio-economic needs identified at the grassroots level while logically realigning state departments and ministries to improve coordination and performance. Additional measures include the development of digital tools for internal government functions, maintaining a state asset registry, preventing resource wastage and enhancing the capacity of SLIDA to support policy formulation and officer training. Collectively, these measures aim to create a more accountable, efficient and citizen-centered public service which will be defining elements of the government.
The president in his recent visit to the North outlined digital transformation of the state as the key focus of the government. The president stated that digitalisation, a key program of the present government, enables the decentralization of all administrative functions, which were previously confined to Colombo, to remote rural villages thereby giving the people the opportunity to access government services much more conveniently. Digitalization of state services including the proposed digital ID and decentralized service provisions are long overdue. However, these initiatives must be carefully designed given the serious breaches that have occurred in previous state digital systems. Without proper safeguards, both personal data and national security could be at risk. Moreover, the success of such services depends on public adoption, which requires a well-structured strategy for citizen engagement, an aspect that has so far been lacking. Nevertheless, this process holds significant potential to transform the country in a positive direction and, if implemented responsibly, should be strongly welcomed.
Citizen engagement
It is often observed that President Dissanayake remains the most popular political figure in the country while his team struggles to garner comparable public support. This disparity reflects the government’s limited citizen engagement in both governance and the reform process. Any reform agenda that does not actively involve the public and mobilize citizen led mechanisms will find it difficult to take root within the country’s social fabric. Without deep-rooted citizen participation, progressive reforms risk falling short of their intended outcomes and may lack the sustainability required for long term impact. Moreover, inadequate citizen engagement could inadvertently create space for far right or nationalist movements to gain traction as has been witnessed in other countries in recent years. To mitigate these risks, the government must prioritize citizen engagement and strengthen its communication strategies to ensure transparency, trust and public ownership of reforms.
President Dissanayake’s administration has set forth an ambitious agenda aimed at transforming Sri Lanka across multiple dimensions from constitutional reform and citizen-centered legal systems to education, state machinery and digitalization. While the ultimate goal, the figurative Rome of economic stability, social justice and systemwide reform remains distant, meaningful progress can be made by ensuring that the journey is orderly, transparent and inclusive. By strengthening institutions, fostering accountability, modernizing public services and prioritizing citizen engagement even incremental reforms can have a profound impact on governance, social cohesion and quality of life.
The president and the government may have crossed the Rubicon but Rome is still far away. The success of this transformative agenda will depend on the government’s ability to move beyond promises, learn from past experiences and deliver tangible outcomes, demonstrating that the path toward a just, equitable and prosperous Sri Lanka is both achievable and sustainable.
