How Young Citizens Are Rewriting South Asian Politics
Photo courtesy of The New York Times
The youth of Nepal are rewriting the nation’s history. Nepal, a Himalayan nation between India and China with a population of around 30 million people, is known for its political volatility and instability. From the 239 year-old monarchy that ruled the nation, which was abolished in 2008 following a civil war, to the multitude of governments that have ruled since, the slow burn in the Nepali political climate tipped over on September 8 as young people took to the streets.
The uprising cannot be understood in isolation. Across South Asia, a similar pattern is emerging with youth-led movements confronting entrenched political elites, stagnant economies and democratic institutions that exist more in form than in substance. In Bangladesh, tensions erupted anew as Sharif Osman Hadi, a prominent youth leader of the 2024 pro-democracy uprising, was shot by unidentified assailants and later died of his injuries. This has triggered violence and mass protests across Dhaka and other cities demanding justice and political accountability. In Sri Lanka, youth and student-led protests brought down the government during the economic crisis and, although subsequent years have seen fewer large scale confrontations, the grievances that mobilised young people such as the absence of upward social mobility opportunities remain largely intact.
The political economy of the protests
Although these protests may seem abrupt, the underlying issues have been persistent. Unemployment rates at 10.7% and an increasing youth unemployment rate hovering around 20.8% according to the National Statistics Office demonstrate the inadequacy of job creation rooted in deeper structural failures of Nepal’s political economy. This structural failure in both economic stimulation and sound safety nets for the impoverished has led to involuntary mass migration with approximately two million Nepalis working abroad. A dependency rate of 33% of the GDP on overseas worker remittances is risky for the long term health of the nation’s economy.
It is important to note that a vast majority of the remittance money is sent for consumption and not investment. This increase in consumption without the generation of new jobs or expansionary economic activity tilts Nepal into inflationary pressure. The outward mobility of a large proportion of the youth in search of both better education and job opportunities indicates the lack of importance given to these issues by the governing leaders. This inter-generational disconnect between the traditional political class and the new young voter base can be identified as a key factor for these protests; a problem that is observed not only in Nepal but in the region of South Asia with the rise of youth revolutions.
Analyses of Nepal’s post-2008 republican era show that a small set of political leaders and parties have dominated governance since the monarchy was abolished. This is however not purely a post-2008 phenomenon. Nepal’s political system before 2008, after the 1990 restoration of multiparty democracy, also featured repeated leadership by a core group of political actors. Persistent factionalism, personalised rivalries and rigid ideological posturing have produced policy incoherence and recurring political deadlock, limiting the state’s capacity for long term planning. These governance failures are particularly visible in the chronic underperformance of development initiatives; projects to build schools, hospitals and irrigation systems are frequently announced but remain delayed, underfunded or abandoned. Weak oversight and entrenched patronage networks have enabled the diversion of public resources, further undermining institutional credibility. Nepal is ranked 107 out of 180 countries for perceived corrupt practices by Transparency International, the worst in South Asia. As a result, public trust in political institutions has steadily eroded, giving way to widespread cynicism and disengagement.
The resulting widening wealth inequality and political corruption has created considerable anti-government sentiment in Nepal in the form of messages and posts on social media. One of the major talking points leading up to these protests is the viral hashtags of #NepoKids, #NepoBabies and #PoliticiansNepoBabyNepal through which the children of famous politicians were posting videos online flaunting their fancy cars and affluent lifestyles. These videos proliferated anger towards the government and posts allegedly targeting certain family members of Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Oli’s coalition were circulating online.
The state’s subsequent call for compliance with local media laws was widely interpreted as an attempt to regulate and control social media, limiting scrutiny of those in power and curbing public questioning. When several platforms resisted these restrictive measures and accused the government of acting corruptly, the ruling elite came to view this pushback as a direct challenge to its authority. The state responded by imposing a blanket ban on 26 social media platforms including Facebook, WhatsApp and Instagram. The ban was justified on grounds of “protecting national peace and preventing misinformation” yet it was implemented without meaningful consultation, transparency or due diligence. Rather than restoring order, the move proved counterproductive as the sudden restriction on digital communication became the tipping point, transforming latent discontent into mass protests that erupted the following Monday.
From social media bans to the Discord decision
What began as protests by university students, high school students and the youth quickly escalated during a clash with the police at the parliament complex in Kathmandu. The usage of live ammunition, water cannons and smoke bombs to curtail the crowd from entering the parliament added fuel to the flame as youth groups swiftly diversified and demonstrated their frustration through the burning and vandalisation of prominent buildings such as the Prime Minister’s Office, Singha Durbar, the Supreme Court and the Headquarters of the Nepali Congress. The airport also shut down.
The central and immediate demand of the protesters was the resignation of the prime minister. Within 24 hours of the peak of the uprising, Oli vacated his official residence and resigned. In the aftermath, the army assumed control of key security functions and negotiations began among protest representatives, the military leadership and the president regarding the formation of an interim government. The state’s response has since come under intense scrutiny. Questions have been raised about the methods used by the Nepali security forces regarding the disproportionate use of force to dissolve the crowds, especially using live ammunition instead of rubber pellets. Reports claim that at least 51 people were dead and more than 1700 people hospitalised, including demonstrators and the police.
The immediate resignations calmed the demonstration; the youth groups were much more organised but still leaderless. The sudden departure of Oli had created a void as to who would take over and restore peace and order in Nepal. It became evident that the protesters, predominantly under the age of 30, were calling for new leadership, seeking a break from the traditional political class that they view as having hollowed out and weakened Nepal’s system of governance.
Amid this uncertainty, the youth groups circumvented the social media ban and turned to Discord, an app better known for gamers, to choose their next leader. In a day, one Discord server saw more than 100,000 members deciding on their country’s new prime minister. A massive poll was held online with cricketer Sagar Dhakal and former electricity chief Kul Man Ghising as contenders; former chief Justice Sushila Kurki eventually won and was chosen as the interim option.
This Discord decision is a significant milestone in the political sphere and an interesting case study in Gen Z. From being an unorganised, leaderless group to accommodating 145,000 users within a couple of days to decide Nepal’s future. Backed by informal polls and after reaching the army and the president, Justice Sushila Kurki was sworn in on Friday morning.
Working through structural limits
Youth-led movements in Nepal and across South Asia must go beyond removing corrupt or unsuitable leaders; that is only the first step. Equally if not more important is sustained civic engagement to hold newly appointed leaders accountable and ensure that meaningful reforms are implemented. This transitional period will be decisive for Nepal’s future. The youth must maintain momentum to push for structural reforms that prioritise people over politics. Without this, revolutions risk becoming victories in name only.
Beyond familiar narratives of politics and power, a striking pattern emerges. The younger generation operates at a different tempo, defined by courage, immediacy and collective action. Hundreds of thousands can mobilise in unison without a formal leader or the desire for personal recognition. Identity politics or allegiance to personalities takes a backseat; the priority is policy and tangible change. Contrary to claims that social media distracts citizens or fosters passivity, the opposite is now evident. Digital platforms have been central to organising, coordinating and communicating these youth-led movements across South Asia. Their accessibility and shareability have shifted power into the hands of the people, allowing them to control the narrative in ways that traditional media, often influenced by entrenched interests, could not.
The immediate backlash to attempts at restricting these platforms underscores a key lesson; efforts to limit or control this new generation of voters only strengthen their resolve. Fearlessness defines this cohort not from recklessness but from a belief in the possibility of change. They are undeterred by curfews, arrests or even live ammunition. Some may call it irrational confidence but history shows that it often takes bold, uncompromising action, not cautious rationality, to overturn entrenched corruption and resolve decades of neglect in a matter of days.
Even digitally empowered, youth-led uprisings however operate within a complex geopolitical landscape dominated by entrenched actors who continue to manipulate outcomes to their advantage. Nepal’s close economic ties with India have been heavily disrupted by the political crisis. Nearly 70% of Nepal’s commercial activity is linked to India and major trade points such as Panitanki in West Bengal, Raxaul in Bihar and Sonauli in Uttar Pradesh have come to a standstill. Trucks carrying machinery, medicine and perishable goods like potatoes and fruits have been stranded for days with Bengal and Bihar truckers’ associations estimating losses of nearly five billion Indian rupees. The halt has also impacted local hotels, restaurants and around 2,000 daily wage workers dependent on these trade hubs. Meanwhile, a looming energy crisis in Nepal has been exacerbated as Indian authorities recalled over 310 fuel tankers.
China, meanwhile, faces strategic uncertainty. Oli had leaned toward Beijing, signing a transit treaty to reduce Nepal’s dependence on India and supporting the China-Nepal railway project through Tibet. Political analysts suggest that this transition opens potential opportunities for New Delhi to advance frameworks advantageous to India while Beijing is likely to adopt a cautious, observant stance until the next elections. With parliament dissolved and elections scheduled for March 5, 2026 the responsibility now lies with Kurki to steady the nation until then.
