By Adolf
The controversy surrounding the 22nd Amendment—how it has been handled and where the process appears to be heading—raises a larger political question: Is the JVP–NPP preparing not merely to govern, but to remain in power for the long term?
There are signs that the government understands an uncomfortable political reality: elections are not won by good governance alone. They are also shaped by control of the political narrative, the weakening of opponents and the absence of a credible alternative. Against that backdrop, the treatment of opposition politicians and critics deserves close scrutiny.
Investigations, allegations and legal proceedings may be used to intimidate or discredit political opponents. Even where such action is legally justified, its cumulative political effect cannot be ignored. If opposition figures repeatedly face investigations, court cases or public ridicule, the impression may grow that political space is being deliberately narrowed.
Witch Hunts
The experience of Rajiv Amerasuriya is worth watching. He has been a persistent voice on constitutional and legal issues, comes from the South and has a strong record of public and national service. His emergence as a vocal critic is therefore politically significant.
The NPP should also remember that political dominance can be deceptive. Mahinda Rajapaksa built a formidable political machine and enjoyed immense popularity and electoral strength. Yet he was eventually displaced by a figure who, only a short time earlier, had been neither especially prominent nor widely regarded as a national alternative.
That is perhaps the most important lesson for the NPP: today’s political order can change faster than expected.
A fragmented opposition, unable to present a credible alternative, will struggle to challenge a government with a strong popular mandate. But no government should assume that today’s opposition will remain tomorrow’s. New movements and personalities can emerge unexpectedly, especially when voters lose faith in the established order.
The warning to the opposition is therefore clear: fragmentation is fatal. Personal rivalries, competing egos and short-term calculations will only strengthen the government. Unless the opposition can find common ground and offer the public a credible alternative, it will remain vulnerable.
There is an equally important warning for the NPP. The greatest threat to an established government may not come from the traditional opposition, but from outside the political establishment—from someone without a party badge, the baggage of the old parties or the divisions that currently define the opposition.
Future for Sri Lanka
Nepal offers an instructive example of how quickly political sentiment can shift when established parties lose the confidence of a younger and increasingly impatient electorate. Sri Lanka should not assume that it is immune to similar surprises.
The NPP may well be here to stay. But history teaches that no political force lasts forever. Its real test will be whether it can remain in power while preserving democratic institutions, political pluralism and public confidence.
That requires more than political strategy. It requires reducing corruption, attracting capable people into public service and restoring Sri Lanka’s international credibility. A developing, semi-bankrupt country needs genuine technocrats—not profit-driven businessmen, party cadres or discarded private-sector professionals appointed without regard to competence. Unfortunately, too many such appointments are already visible.
Sri Lanka requires ability, integrity and independence in public life. Without them, political longevity will not amount to national progress. And when voters conclude that a government has failed to deliver either, they will eventually decide that it is time for something different.
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