Why Sri Lanka’s Ruling NPP Has Not Abolished the Executive Presidency Yet
Civil society critics of Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the National People’s Power (NPP) government are again asking why they haven’t launched a constitutional reform process to abolish the executive presidency.
A number of governments, starting with the Chandrika Bandaranaike administration (1994-2005), had promised to abolish the executive presidency introduced by the J.R. Jayawardene administration in the late 1970s. The main argument against the executive presidency is that it concentrates too much power in one individual, the president, which is bad for democratic processes.
The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the main component of the NPP, has been critical of the executive presidency for decades.
It has been two years since the NPP came to power and its critics regard the delay in constitutional reform as a retreat from the mandate that brought Dissanayake and the NPP to power. However, that interpretation gives disproportionate weight to one electoral promise while ignoring many others. The NPP’s actions in the past two years also show that it is focused on accomplishing reforms that have more visible outcomes.
Dissanayake and the NPP’s appeal rested mainly on its reputation for honesty and its distance from the political establishment that ruled the nation since its independence. These rulers were culpable for Sri Lanka’s economic collapse and 2022 debt default, a fact that has been affirmed even by the country’s Supreme Court. Voters who lost faith in the established parties following the economic trauma of 2022 believed that Dissanayake and his party could form a government that would use public resources responsibly and hold powerful people accountable.
The NPP sought a mandate that extended well beyond constitutional reform. Those who voted for the NPP expected economic recovery and action against corruption that previous governments had allowed to flourish. Horu allamu (Let’s punish the crooks) was the rallying cry of the 2024 elections, and the arrests of several powerful politicians have been welcomed with great public enthusiasm.
The government is also implementing an island-wide anti-drug campaign, the Clean Sri Lanka Project, and a digitization drive. The NPP has prioritized these initiatives that enhance the quality of life of the people and satisfy the public demand to prosecute the corrupt. The resources the NPP has at its disposal are limited, and the government believes that it has pick battles that it can win while governing a country still recovering from economic collapse and exposed to fresh external shocks.
The lesson the NPP learned from the disastrous performance of the Yahapalanaya (good governance) government (2014-2019) was that delivering on promises that produce immediate results should be prioritized.
The Yahapalanaya government established a Constitutional Assembly and steering committee in 2016. Subcommittees examined specific subjects, and an interim report was published in 2017. These committees produced proposals and debate, but these did not result in a new constitution. Besides, the government failed to deliver on its other promises, especially on investigating and punishing the Rajapaksas for their alleged financial crimes. This led to public disillusionment, which allowed the Rajapaksas to return to power in 2019.
Sri Lanka’s economy grew by 5 percent in 2025, and by 4.2 percent in the second quarter of 2026. However, the country is vulnerable to external shocks and the IMF has warned that the war in West Asia has significantly worsened the economic outlook.
Sri Lanka imports all its fossil fuels and LNG and most of its fertilizer. Higher energy costs would threaten household budgets and the foreign exchange reserves. Disruption of fertilizer supplies puts pressure on agriculture. China’s restrictions on fertilizer exports and Russia’s temporary suspension of ammonium nitrate exports earlier this year are worrying developments. These are immediate problems for a government determined to prevent another economic collapse that might spell the doom of the NPP.
Judicial reforms are a cornerstone in the NPP’s drive to prosecute corrupt politicians. The proposed Twenty-Second Amendment addresses retirement ages for superior court judges and the tenure of the chief justice, which the government believes is vital to expedite high-profile cases. The NPP believes that if senior judges who have handled these cases retire when verdicts are close, that would delay punishment.
One of the tactics of corrupt politicians is to delay cases against them as much as possible, hoping that the momentum behind the investigations would wane. The government faces stiff opposition in implementing its initiatives, and dealing with these has taken up its time and resources.
Abolishing the executive presidency is not an easy task. Provincial councils are connected to presidential authority through provisions introduced by the Thirteenth Amendment. Under Article 154B, the president appoints provincial governors, who exercise provincial executive power within a framework that includes the advice of provincial ministers and specified discretionary functions.
Article 154F subjects governors’ exercise of discretion to presidential directions. Article 154L authorizes presidential intervention when provincial administration cannot function constitutionally, subject to prescribed procedures. These provisions make the presidency an integral part of the relationship between the center and the provinces. The relevant powers are detailed in Chapter XVIIA of the Constitution.
Provincial councils could continue under a parliamentary system. But reformers will have to agree on who appoints governors and controls the powers currently exercised by the president. Transferring those powers wholesale to a prime minister could preserve central control and giving provinces greater autonomy would require agreement on safeguards and mechanisms for resolving disputes. Apart from these technicalities, the thirteenth amendment and devolving power to the provinces are controversial topics in Sri Lanka.
Coming up with a solution to this aspect of dissolving the executive alone would consume colossal amounts of the government’s time, and it seems that the NPP government has decided it doesn’t want to at the present time.
Critics are nevertheless right to insist the NPP must not forget its pledge to abolish the executive presidency. The NPP has 159 seats in the 225-seat parliament, which would allow it to pass any constitutional amendment it wants. This was how new constitutions were passed in the past by governments that had the necessary numbers, for example in 1972 and 1978.
The problem with the NPP government is that it continues to give vague assurances of constitutional reforms, while it is obvious that these reforms are not a priority for them right now. It would make more sense for the government to tell the public the place constitutional reform occupies in its program. Being honest with what its priorities are and why would provide clarity to the people and those who are invested in certain aspects of the reform process.
On the other hand, NPP critics must recognize that credibility earned through effective administration creates an opportunity for constitutional reform. If economic recovery becomes permanent and justice is served for past crimes by powerful people, the NPP will be better placed to create and implement a new constitution that has the support of most Sri Lankans.
The NPP should ultimately be judged across the mandate it sought. Voters expected a government capable of repairing public institutions and protecting the country from another economic disaster.
Abolition of the presidency remains an important task. But the absence of a constitutional commission does not establish that the government has abandoned meaningful reform. Its critics should examine why the NPP has chosen to prioritize some promises over others and distinguish a government that postpones reform to preserve its privileges from one that sequences difficult commitments to make them achievable.
